At a late-night inaugural ball on Monday, President Trump, flush with his restoration to power, began waving a ceremonial sword he had been given almost as if it were a scepter and he were a king.

在周一深夜舉行的就職典禮舞會(huì)上，重新掌權(quán)的特朗普總統(tǒng)興高采烈，開始揮舞拿到的一把儀仗劍，就像它是一根權(quán)杖，而他自己是一位國王。

Perhaps it is a fitting metaphor as Mr. Trump takes control in Washington again this week with royal flourishes and monarchical claims to religious legitimacy. His return to the White House has been as much a coronation as an inauguration, a reflection of his own view of power and the fear it has instilled in his adversaries.

也許這是一個(gè)恰當(dāng)?shù)谋扔鳎驗(yàn)楸局?，特朗普以皇家般的華麗氣息以及對(duì)宗教合法性的君主式主張，再次掌控了華盛頓。他重返白宮的過程既像是就職典禮，又像是加冕儀式，反映了他如何看待權(quán)力以及這種權(quán)力給對(duì)手帶來的恐懼。
原創(chuàng)翻譯：龍騰網(wǎng) http://m.top-shui.cn 轉(zhuǎn)載請注明出處


His inaugural events have been suffused with regal themes. In his Inaugural Address, he claimed that when a gunman opened fire on him last summer, he “was saved by God to make America great again,” an echo of the divine right of kings. He invoked the imperialist phrase “manifest destiny,” declared that he would unilaterally rename mountains and seas as he sees fit and even claimed the right to take over territory belonging to other nations.

他的就職活動(dòng)充滿了王室主題。在就職演講中，他聲稱去年夏天當(dāng)一名槍手向他開火時(shí)，他“被上帝拯救了，為了讓美國恢復(fù)偉大榮光”，這樣的話語隱含對(duì)君權(quán)神授的呼應(yīng)。他引用了帝國主義用語“昭昭天命”，宣稱將根據(jù)自己的意愿單方面重新命名山脈和海洋，甚至聲稱有權(quán)奪取其他國家的領(lǐng)土。

At an event with supporters at Capital One Arena, he introduced his relatives one at a time as if presenting the royal family, and he stood elevated on a platform looking down on supporters who were brought onto stage. By evening, reinstalled in the Oval Office, he relished signing one executive order after another, single-handedly reversing longstanding policies and instituting his own with the stroke of a black Sharpie pen.

在資本一號(hào)體育館與支持者舉行的活動(dòng)上，他像介紹皇室成員一樣逐一介紹自己的親屬，他站在高臺(tái)上俯視著被帶到舞臺(tái)的支持者。傍晚時(shí)分，他重新回到橢圓形辦公室，樂此不疲地簽署一項(xiàng)又一項(xiàng)行政命令，用黑色的Sharpie牌鋼筆將自己的政策取代長期以來的政策。

Mr. Trump particularly delights in his pardon power, the most kingly element of a president’s authority, one that cannot be challenged or overturned. He used it to wipe away the charges and convictions of about 1,600 supporters who rampaged through the Capitol four years ago on his behalf, including violent seditionists. At the same time, he signed an order attempting to rewrite the 14th Amendment to ban birthright citizenship for the children of many immigrants.

特朗普尤其喜歡使用他的赦免權(quán)，這是總統(tǒng)權(quán)力中最具君主性質(zhì)的部分，無法被挑戰(zhàn)或推翻。他利用這一權(quán)力撤銷了對(duì)四年前以他之名闖入國會(huì)大廈的約1600名支持者的指控和定罪，其中包括暴力叛亂分子。與此同時(shí)，他還簽署了一項(xiàng)命令，試圖改寫第14修正案，禁止許多移民的子女享有出生公民權(quán)。

And in the weeks since his comeback election in November, Mr. Trump has asserted his dominance in the political space, making little effort to recognize anyone else’s authority in a three-branch government, but instead making it clear that he expects other actors in the system to bend to his will.

自11月重新當(dāng)選以來的幾周里，特朗普一直在政治舞臺(tái)上彰顯自己的主導(dǎo)地位，幾乎不承認(rèn)三權(quán)分立政府中其他人的權(quán)威，而是明確表示，他希望政府系統(tǒng)中的其他角色屈從于他的意志。

Of course, plenty of presidents look powerful, even kingly, in their opening days, when they are often at the peak of their popularity and enjoying the rituals of inauguration, only to later fall to earth as opposition builds and their approval ratings erode. In Mr. Trump’s case, for all his swagger, he faces a Congress with narrow majorities and courts that may eventually derail some of his more expansive assertions of power.

當(dāng)然，很多總統(tǒng)在就職之初看起來都很強(qiáng)大，甚至很有王者風(fēng)范，因?yàn)槟菚r(shí)他們往往處于聲望的頂峰，享受著就職典禮的榮耀，但后來隨著反對(duì)聲浪的高漲和支持率的下降，他們往往會(huì)逐漸失去這種光環(huán)。就特朗普而言，盡管他信心十足，但他面對(duì)的僅擁有微弱多數(shù)的國會(huì)和法院可能會(huì)阻礙他一些更廣泛權(quán)力主張。

In fact, within hours of his initial burst of executive action, Mr. Trump’s opponents quickly filed the first legal challenges, likening him to a budding autocrat. “Presidents are powerful, but he is not a king,” Matthew J. Platkin, New Jersey’s attorney general, declared on Tuesday as he and some of his peers went to court to try to block Mr. Trump from enforcing his birthright citizenship ban.

事實(shí)上，就在特朗普首次采取行政行動(dòng)的幾個(gè)小時(shí)內(nèi)，他的反對(duì)者就迅速提出了第一批法律挑戰(zhàn)，將他比作一個(gè)嶄露頭角的專制者。新澤西州總檢察長馬修·普拉特金周二宣稱：“總統(tǒng)很強(qiáng)大，但他不是國王?！彼鸵恍┩瑑娫诜ㄍド显噲D阻止特朗普執(zhí)行其出生公民權(quán)的禁令。

Mr. Trump’s allies do not shrink from the comparison. They embrace it. “The Return of the King,” Elon Musk, his billionaire benefactor, wrote triumphantly on social media shortly after Mr. Trump took the oath on Monday. Kash Patel, his designated F.B.I. director, published the final volume in a children’s book trilogy last fall about investigations into Mr. Trump called “The Plot Against the King.” Various T-shirts marketed to Trump fans show the president in a crown with or labeled “King Trump.”

特朗普的盟友并沒有因?yàn)檫@種比較而退縮。他們欣然接受。周一特朗普宣誓就職后不久，他的億萬富翁捐款人埃隆·馬斯克在社交媒體上得意洋洋地寫道：“王者歸來”。特朗普提名的聯(lián)邦調(diào)查局局長卡什·帕特爾去年秋天出版了兒童讀物三部曲的最后一卷，內(nèi)容是關(guān)于對(duì)特朗普的調(diào)查，書的標(biāo)題是《對(duì)國王的陰謀》（The Plot Against the King）。許多面向特朗普粉絲銷售的各種T恤衫上都印有這位總統(tǒng)頭戴王冠的圖案或標(biāo)有“特朗普國王”字樣。

“The return of the king? It certainly looked that way at the swearing-in,” said Gwenda Blair, who wrote the definitive biography of Mr. Trump’s dynastic family. “Not only because of Trump’s claim to God’s intervention, but also all the favor-seeking courtiers, Melania’s crown-like hat and the dynastic implications of showcasing his progeny.”

“王者歸來？在宣誓就職儀式上看起來確實(shí)如此，”撰寫了特朗普家族權(quán)威傳記的格溫達(dá)·布萊爾說?！安粌H因?yàn)樘乩势章暦Q得到了上帝的干預(yù)，還因?yàn)槟切で髮檺鄣某肌⒚防釈I戴著像王冠一樣的帽子，以及展示他子嗣所暗示的王朝延續(xù)之意?！?/b>

Ms. Blair said that since his defeat in the 2020 election, Mr. Trump has felt a deep-seated need to restore his brand as a winner. “And what better way than to claim his right — his divine right — to that status?” she asked. “To be, as it were, a king.”

布萊爾說，自從在2020年大選中落敗以來，特朗普從內(nèi)心深處感到有必要恢復(fù)他作為贏家的品牌形象。“還有什么比宣稱他有權(quán)——他的神圣權(quán)利——來獲得總統(tǒng)之位更好的方式呢？”她問道?！翱梢哉f，做一個(gè)國王?！?/b>

The prospect of a king in America has always been a sensitive issue. After breaking off from Britain, the frxrs were determined to avoid even what one delegate to the Constitutional Convention called the “fetus of monarchy.” George Washington cemented that view by making sure he was called “Mr. President,” not some version of “your majesty,” and stepping aside after eight years.

在美國，出現(xiàn)“國王”的前景一直是一個(gè)敏感問題。在脫離英國后，憲法起草者決心避免任何類似于被制憲會(huì)議的一位代表稱為“君主制雛形”的東西。喬治·華盛頓確保自己被稱為“總統(tǒng)先生”，而不是任何類似“陛下”的稱呼，并且在八年后主動(dòng)辭去總統(tǒng)職務(wù)，從而鞏固了這種觀點(diǎn)。

Many of his successors, by contrast, were accused of wanting to be monarchs. Opponents called Andrew Jackson “King Andrew I” and referred to Abraham Lincoln as “King Abraham.” Franklin D. Roosevelt, who broke Washington’s two-term tradition, was said to harbor royal aspirations, and Richard M. Nixon was accused of fostering the “imperial presidency.”

相比之下，他的許多繼任者都被指責(zé)想成為君主。反對(duì)者稱安德魯·杰克遜為“安德魯一世國王”，稱亞伯拉罕·林肯為“亞伯拉罕國王”。富蘭克林·羅斯福打破了華盛頓最多連任兩屆的傳統(tǒng)，被指懷有王室野心，理查德·尼克松則被指責(zé)助長了“帝國總統(tǒng)”的風(fēng)氣。

“But in the annals of presidential history, one struggles to find a leader who wouldn’t have found the term ‘king’ at least somewhat insulting,” said Jeffrey A. Engel, the director of the Center for Presidential History at Southern Methodist University. Not Mr. Trump, it seems. “In highlighting his family to such a degree during his swearing-in, President Trump furthers the notion that he and they are special, removed from regular society.”

“但在總統(tǒng)歷史的記載中，很難找到一位領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人不覺得‘國王’這個(gè)稱呼至少有些冒犯，”南衛(wèi)理公會(huì)大學(xué)總統(tǒng)歷史研究中心主任杰弗里·恩格爾稱?？磥硖乩势詹皇瞧渲兄??！疤乩势湛偨y(tǒng)在宣誓就職時(shí)如此強(qiáng)調(diào)他的家族，進(jìn)一步加深了他和他們是特殊的、脫離了普通社會(huì)的觀念?！?/b>

Gene Healy, the senior vice president for policy at the Cato Institute, said Mr. Trump’s version was a little distant from the monarchy the frxrs feared. “If this is the full-grown thing, it has to be a lot less high-toned and regal than they feared,” he said.
“Boogieing with the Village People? Signing stacks of executive orders and pardons in a hockey stadium? There’s a heavily camp aspect to Trump’s performance of the presidency that monarchical metaphors miss.”

卡托研究所政策高級(jí)副總裁吉恩·希利表示，特朗普的版本與制憲者所擔(dān)心的君主制有些距離?！叭绻@是完全成熟的君主制，它肯定比他們擔(dān)心的要低調(diào)和不那么王室化，”他說?！芭c鄉(xiāng)巴佬合唱團(tuán)熱舞？在冰球場簽署一堆行政命令和赦免？特朗普對(duì)總統(tǒng)職務(wù)的表演有很強(qiáng)的夸張色彩，而君主制的比喻忽視了這一點(diǎn)。”

Still, Mr. Healy, the author of “The Cult of the Presidency,” said that power had been accruing to the Oval Office since long before Mr. Trump’s return. He cited President Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s willingness to assert executive authority to eliminate student loan debt and to try to compel Americans to buy certain kinds of cars.

盡管如此，《總統(tǒng)崇拜》(The Cult of the Presidency)一書的作者希利還是說，早在特朗普回歸之前，權(quán)力就已經(jīng)開始向橢圓形辦公室聚攏。他舉例說，拜登總統(tǒng)愿意行使行政權(quán)力來取消學(xué)生貸款債務(wù)，并試圖強(qiáng)迫美國人購買某些類型的汽車。

“Fundamental questions of governance that used to be left to Congress, the states or the people are now increasingly settled, winner-take-all, by whichever party manages to seize the presidency,” he said. “Trump didn’t create this suite of powers, but he’s quite comfortable using them.”

“過去留給國會(huì)、各州或人民解決的基本治理問題，現(xiàn)在越來越多地由贏得總統(tǒng)職位的黨派以‘贏家通吃’的方式來處理，贏家通吃，”他說。“這套權(quán)力方式不是特朗普創(chuàng)造的，但他用起來得心應(yīng)手?！?/b>

Indeed, Mr. Trump’s view of these powers has long been expansive. During his first term, he said the Constitution gave him “the right to do whatever I want as president” and after leaving office suggested “termination” of the Constitution so as to immediately remove Mr. Biden and return himself to office without an election. His new vice president, JD Vance, once said that if Mr. Trump won again, he should simply defy courts that rule against his policies.

事實(shí)上，特朗普對(duì)這些權(quán)力的看法長期以來一直是擴(kuò)張性的。在他的第一個(gè)任期內(nèi)，他說憲法賦予他“作為總統(tǒng)為所欲為的權(quán)利”，并在卸任后建議“終止”憲法，以便立即罷免拜登，讓自己不經(jīng)選舉重新上任。他的新任副總統(tǒng)JD·萬斯曾經(jīng)說過，如果特朗普再次獲勝，他就應(yīng)該直接蔑視那些對(duì)他的政策做出不利裁決的法院。

Mr. Trump favors the glittery and hereditary aspects of monarchy. He styles his Mar-a-Lago estate in Florida as a winter palace of sorts and has positioned his children as heirs in lordly fashion. While campaigning for president in 2016, he reportedly suggested making his daughter Ivanka Trump his running mate, a notion that his stunned staff even poll-tested before she finally persuaded him to drop what even she considered an absurd idea.

特朗普喜歡君主制的華麗和世襲特質(zhì)。他將自己在佛羅里達(dá)州的馬阿拉歌莊園塑造成某種形式的冬宮，并以貴族的方式將自己的子女定位為繼承人。據(jù)報(bào)道，在2016年競選總統(tǒng)時(shí)，他曾建議讓女兒伊萬卡·特朗普成為他的競選伙伴，他的工作人員甚至對(duì)這個(gè)讓他們目瞪口呆的想法進(jìn)行了民意測驗(yàn)，最終伊萬卡說服他放棄了這個(gè)連她都認(rèn)為荒謬的想法。

Ms. Trump and her husband, Jared Kushner, later served on the White House staff and in ceremonial events were often treated as if a prince and princess. But the president never fully gave up the idea of promoting Ms. Trump to U.N. ambassador or president of the World Bank.

伊萬卡和丈夫賈里德·庫什納后來在白宮擔(dān)任幕僚，在禮儀活動(dòng)中經(jīng)常受到王子和公主般的禮遇。但總統(tǒng)從未完全放棄提拔伊萬卡擔(dān)任聯(lián)合國大使或世界銀行行長的想法。

In picking Mr. Vance as his vice president this time, Mr. Trump was following the advice of his son Donald Trump Jr. Mr. Vance is half the elder Mr. Trump’s age, young enough to be his son, and now may be his successor in four years.

特朗普選擇萬斯擔(dān)任副總統(tǒng)，是聽從了他的兒子小唐納德·特朗普的建議。萬斯的年齡只有特朗普的一半，年輕得可以當(dāng)他的兒子，現(xiàn)在可能是他四年后的繼任者。

Or will he? Mr. Trump has more than once broached the idea that maybe he would try to stay in power longer than four more years despite the 22nd Amendment’s two-term limit passed after Roosevelt ran four times. He has said it in a joking manner, and the amendment is clear that he cannot run again, but some opponents worry he may try to find a way around it anyway just as he is now with the 14th Amendment.

或者，屆時(shí)他會(huì)下臺(tái)嗎？特朗普曾不止一次地提出，盡管第22條修正案在羅斯福四次競選后通過了兩屆任期限制，但他可能會(huì)試圖繼續(xù)執(zhí)政四年以上。他是以開玩笑的方式說的，修正案也明確規(guī)定他不能再次參選，但一些反對(duì)者擔(dān)心，他無論如何都會(huì)想辦法繞過這一限制，就像他現(xiàn)在繞過第14修正案一樣。