不,美國無法“關(guān)閉”英國的核武器
No, the US can’t ‘switch off’ the UK’s nuclear weapons
譯文簡介
“美國正在用自己的行動抵制全球主義?!薄队绖?wù)雜志》報道。
正文翻譯
No, the US can’t ‘switch off’ the UK’s nuclear weapons
不,美國無法“關(guān)閉”英國的核武器
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不,美國無法“關(guān)閉”英國的核武器
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(A Vanguard class submarine.)
(一艘前衛(wèi)級潛艇。)
新聞:
On March 27th, The Conversation published an article by Dr. Becky Alexis-Martin of the University of Bradford, titled “The US has the power to switch off the UK’s nuclear subs – a big problem as Donald Trump becomes an unreliable partner.” The headline itself is bold—and deeply alarming.
3月27日,英國《對話》網(wǎng)站刊登了英國布拉德福德大學(xué)貝基·阿萊克斯-馬丁博士的一篇題為《美國有能力關(guān)閉英國的核潛艇——隨著特朗普成為一個不可靠的合作伙伴,這是個大問題》的文章。標(biāo)題本身是大膽的,并且令人深感擔(dān)憂。
3月27日,英國《對話》網(wǎng)站刊登了英國布拉德福德大學(xué)貝基·阿萊克斯-馬丁博士的一篇題為《美國有能力關(guān)閉英國的核潛艇——隨著特朗普成為一個不可靠的合作伙伴,這是個大問題》的文章。標(biāo)題本身是大膽的,并且令人深感擔(dān)憂。
It’s a headline designed to provoke concern—and it certainly does. But while the article touches on genuine long-term strategic questions, it also reinforces a dangerously misleading impression: that the United States holds real-time control over the UK’s nuclear deterrent.
這是一個旨在引起關(guān)注的標(biāo)題——它確實(shí)做到了。但是,盡管這篇文章觸及了真正的長期戰(zhàn)略問題,但它也強(qiáng)化了一種危險的誤導(dǎo)性印象:美國對英國的核威懾力量擁有實(shí)時控制權(quán)。
這是一個旨在引起關(guān)注的標(biāo)題——它確實(shí)做到了。但是,盡管這篇文章觸及了真正的長期戰(zhàn)略問題,但它也強(qiáng)化了一種危險的誤導(dǎo)性印象:美國對英國的核威懾力量擁有實(shí)時控制權(quán)。
It does not.
它沒有。
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它沒有。
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This is not just a theoretical issue of wording. When a piece opens with the line, “The US can, if it chooses, effectively switch off the UK’s nuclear deterrent,” it leaves little ambiguity. This framing implies a direct, present-day capability that simply does not exist.
這不僅僅是一個措辭的理論問題。當(dāng)一篇文章以“如果美國愿意,它可以有效地關(guān)閉英國的核威懾力量”這句話開頭時,它幾乎沒有留下任何含糊之處。這種框架暗示了一種直接的、當(dāng)今的能力,而這種能力根本不存在。
這不僅僅是一個措辭的理論問題。當(dāng)一篇文章以“如果美國愿意,它可以有效地關(guān)閉英國的核威懾力量”這句話開頭時,它幾乎沒有留下任何含糊之處。這種框架暗示了一種直接的、當(dāng)今的能力,而這種能力根本不存在。
Yes, the UK relies on American technology, logistics, and cooperation for the maintenance of its Trident missile system. But operational control? That remains exclusively with the UK. This is what defence officials and experts consistently refer to as operational independence.
是的,英國依靠美國的技術(shù)、后勤和合作來維護(hù)其三叉戟導(dǎo)彈系統(tǒng)。但是操作控制呢?只屬于英國。這就是國防官員和專家一貫所說的作戰(zhàn)獨(dú)立性。
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是的,英國依靠美國的技術(shù)、后勤和合作來維護(hù)其三叉戟導(dǎo)彈系統(tǒng)。但是操作控制呢?只屬于英國。這就是國防官員和專家一貫所說的作戰(zhàn)獨(dú)立性。
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Once a Royal Navy Vanguard-class submarine carrying Trident missiles sails from Faslane, it is under British command alone. It is submerged, undetectable, and capable of launching its nuclear payload solely on the order of the UK Prime Minister. There is no American “kill switch,” no joint code, no foreign veto.
一旦一艘載有三叉戟導(dǎo)彈的皇家海軍前衛(wèi)級潛艇從法斯蘭起航,它就由英國單獨(dú)指揮。它在水下,無法被探測到,只有在英國首相的命令下才能發(fā)射其有效載荷。不存在美國的“死亡開關(guān)”,不存在聯(lián)合法規(guī),不存在外國否決權(quán)。
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一旦一艘載有三叉戟導(dǎo)彈的皇家海軍前衛(wèi)級潛艇從法斯蘭起航,它就由英國單獨(dú)指揮。它在水下,無法被探測到,只有在英國首相的命令下才能發(fā)射其有效載荷。不存在美國的“死亡開關(guān)”,不存在聯(lián)合法規(guī),不存在外國否決權(quán)。
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Even the article itself briefly acknowledges this reality: “The UK has some autonomy, as it is operationally independent and controls the decision to launch.” But that line is buried, and the broader narrative—from the headline down—undercuts it. Readers are left not with a nuanced understanding of allied cooperation and sovereign control, but with a sensational and incorrect impression of vulnerability to US political whims.
就連文章本身也簡要地承認(rèn)了這一現(xiàn)實(shí):“英國有一定的自主權(quán),因?yàn)樗谶\(yùn)行上是獨(dú)立的,并控制著發(fā)射的決定?!钡@條線被掩蓋了,從標(biāo)題向下的更廣泛的敘述削弱了它。讀者沒有對盟國合作和主權(quán)控制有細(xì)致入微的理解,而是產(chǎn)生了一種聳人聽聞的錯誤印象,即容易受到美國政治突發(fā)奇想的影響。
就連文章本身也簡要地承認(rèn)了這一現(xiàn)實(shí):“英國有一定的自主權(quán),因?yàn)樗谶\(yùn)行上是獨(dú)立的,并控制著發(fā)射的決定?!钡@條線被掩蓋了,從標(biāo)題向下的更廣泛的敘述削弱了它。讀者沒有對盟國合作和主權(quán)控制有細(xì)致入微的理解,而是產(chǎn)生了一種聳人聽聞的錯誤印象,即容易受到美國政治突發(fā)奇想的影響。
It’s important to separate structural reliance from operational dependence. The UK does lease Trident II D5 missiles from a shared US-UK pool and relies on US infrastructure for their maintenance. But these are long-term support arrangements, not immediate operational enablers. If US support were cut off tomorrow, the UK would retain the ability to launch for years, thanks to stockpiles, training, and independent systems.
將結(jié)構(gòu)依賴與操作依賴分開是很重要的。英國確實(shí)從美英共享的導(dǎo)彈庫中租用了三叉戟II D5導(dǎo)彈,并依賴美國的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施進(jìn)行維護(hù)。但這些都是長期的支持安排,而不是立即的行動支持。如果明天美國的支持被切斷,英國將保留多年的發(fā)射能力,這要?dú)w功于庫存、訓(xùn)練和獨(dú)立的系統(tǒng)。
將結(jié)構(gòu)依賴與操作依賴分開是很重要的。英國確實(shí)從美英共享的導(dǎo)彈庫中租用了三叉戟II D5導(dǎo)彈,并依賴美國的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施進(jìn)行維護(hù)。但這些都是長期的支持安排,而不是立即的行動支持。如果明天美國的支持被切斷,英國將保留多年的發(fā)射能力,這要?dú)w功于庫存、訓(xùn)練和獨(dú)立的系統(tǒng)。
The system is built to endure. As former Defence Secretary Philip Hammond made clear: “There is no veto in the hands of the Americans. The UK deterrent is fully operationally independent.”
這一體系是為持久而建立的。正如前國防大臣菲利普·哈蒙德明確表示的那樣:“美國人手中沒有否決權(quán)。英國的威懾力量是完全獨(dú)立運(yùn)作的?!?/b>
這一體系是為持久而建立的。正如前國防大臣菲利普·哈蒙德明確表示的那樣:“美國人手中沒有否決權(quán)。英國的威懾力量是完全獨(dú)立運(yùn)作的?!?/b>
Moreover, the UK’s warheads are designed and manufactured domestically, using UK scientific expertise. The crews are British. The command systems are British. The final decision rests solely with the Prime Minister.
此外,英國的彈頭是利用英國的科學(xué)專業(yè)知識在國內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)和制造的。艇員是英國人。指揮系統(tǒng)是英國的。最后的決定完全取決于首相。
此外,英國的彈頭是利用英國的科學(xué)專業(yè)知識在國內(nèi)設(shè)計(jì)和制造的。艇員是英國人。指揮系統(tǒng)是英國的。最后的決定完全取決于首相。
That doesn’t mean the UK is immune to strategic risk. Yes, dependence on the US for support over decades raises questions about resilience and future autonomy. And yes, the political reliability of any ally—including under a potentially transactional US administration—is a valid topic for debate.
這并不意味著英國不受戰(zhàn)略風(fēng)險的影響。是的,幾十年來對美國支持的依賴,引發(fā)了有關(guān)恢復(fù)力和未來自主權(quán)的問題。是的,任何盟友的政治可靠性——包括潛在的交易型美國政府——都是一個合理的辯論話題。
這并不意味著英國不受戰(zhàn)略風(fēng)險的影響。是的,幾十年來對美國支持的依賴,引發(fā)了有關(guān)恢復(fù)力和未來自主權(quán)的問題。是的,任何盟友的政治可靠性——包括潛在的交易型美國政府——都是一個合理的辯論話題。
But those discussions should be rooted in accurate facts. Suggesting, or even implying, that the US has the power to unilaterally disable the UK deterrent is not only wrong—it’s misleading.
但這些討論應(yīng)該基于準(zhǔn)確的事實(shí)。暗示,甚至提議美國有能力單方面破壞英國的威懾力量不僅是錯誤的,而且是在誤導(dǎo)。
但這些討論應(yīng)該基于準(zhǔn)確的事實(shí)。暗示,甚至提議美國有能力單方面破壞英國的威懾力量不僅是錯誤的,而且是在誤導(dǎo)。
If the intent of the article was to challenge the cost, logic, or morality of nuclear weapons, that is a legitimate position. But even in that debate, clarity matters. The UK chose to build a deterrent that is technically supported by allies but controlled only by its own government. Trident is not on loan; it is sovereign.
如果這篇文章的意圖是挑戰(zhàn)核武器的成本、邏輯或道德,那是一個合法的立場。但即使在這場辯論中,清晰也很重要。英國選擇建立一種技術(shù)上得到盟友支持、但僅由本國政府控制的威懾力量。三叉戟不是租借的;它是完全獨(dú)立的。
如果這篇文章的意圖是挑戰(zhàn)核武器的成本、邏輯或道德,那是一個合法的立場。但即使在這場辯論中,清晰也很重要。英國選擇建立一種技術(shù)上得到盟友支持、但僅由本國政府控制的威懾力量。三叉戟不是租借的;它是完全獨(dú)立的。
So no, the US cannot “switch off” the UK’s nuclear submarines. And we should be wary of any narrative that suggests otherwise—especially when public understanding of nuclear policy depends so heavily on how we frx it.
所以,不,美國無法“關(guān)閉”英國的核潛艇。我們應(yīng)該警惕任何暗示相反觀點(diǎn)的敘述——尤其是當(dāng)公眾對核政策的理解在很大程度上取決于我們?nèi)绾螛?gòu)建它的時候。
所以,不,美國無法“關(guān)閉”英國的核潛艇。我們應(yīng)該警惕任何暗示相反觀點(diǎn)的敘述——尤其是當(dāng)公眾對核政策的理解在很大程度上取決于我們?nèi)绾螛?gòu)建它的時候。
But as provocative as the claim sounds, it doesn’t reflect the operational reality of the UK’s nuclear posture. The UK’s deterrent remains under sovereign control—technologically supported by allies, yes, but not subject to foreign veto.
盡管這一說法聽起來具有挑釁性,但它并沒有反映出英國核態(tài)勢的實(shí)際情況。英國的核威懾仍處于主權(quán)控制之下——在技術(shù)上得到盟友的支持,沒錯,但不受外國否決權(quán)的約束。
盡管這一說法聽起來具有挑釁性,但它并沒有反映出英國核態(tài)勢的實(shí)際情況。英國的核威懾仍處于主權(quán)控制之下——在技術(shù)上得到盟友的支持,沒錯,但不受外國否決權(quán)的約束。
So when people ask whether Britain could fire its missiles without American permission, the answer is simple: yes, it can. And that’s the whole point.
因此,當(dāng)人們問英國是否可以在沒有美國許可的情況下發(fā)射導(dǎo)彈時,答案很簡單:是的,可以。這就是重點(diǎn)所在。
因此,當(dāng)人們問英國是否可以在沒有美國許可的情況下發(fā)射導(dǎo)彈時,答案很簡單:是的,可以。這就是重點(diǎn)所在。
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The minute the US "switches something off", be that F-35s or missiles, their entire defense industry is done. No-one would trust them with weapons purchases for the next 50-100 years. No amount of fantasy territorial gains would offset that.
一旦美國“關(guān)閉某些東西”,無論是F-35還是導(dǎo)彈,他們的整個國防工業(yè)就完了。那么在接下來的50-100年里,沒有人會信任他們和武器。再多幻想中的領(lǐng)土擴(kuò)張也無法抵消這一點(diǎn)。
Their weapons industry is already mortally wounded. I can't see many European or even Asian nations considering strategic reliance on US defence manufacturers.
Way too risky. What happens if Vance succeeds Trump? He (Vance) doesn't have a fetish for the Royal Family so might decide to cut the UK off entirely.
In the longer term Trump has done us a favour. Now Europe can build a stronger defence industry and a stronger defence capability which will lead to greater sovereignty and some economic benefits.
他們的武器工業(yè)已經(jīng)受到了致命的打擊。我看不出很多歐洲甚至亞洲國家會考慮對美國國防制造商的戰(zhàn)略依賴。
太冒險了。如果萬斯接替特朗普會發(fā)生什么?他(萬斯)對王室沒有戀物癖,所以可能會決定完全與英國斷絕關(guān)系。
從長期來看,特朗普幫了我們一個忙(提前預(yù)警了)?,F(xiàn)在歐洲可以建立一個更強(qiáng)大的國防工業(yè)和更強(qiáng)大的防御能力,這將帶來更大的主權(quán)和一些經(jīng)濟(jì)利益。
I wouldn't be so sure of the longer term benefits. The way you are talking is blxered and makes the same mistake that we made with the US...assuming that our friends will always be our friends. Just remember why Europe has limited defence capability.
But, we still have to improve European defence capability, so all it's really done is put us on a timeline that has a greater chance of a European war in the future.
我不太確定長期的好處。你說話的方式是狹隘的,犯了我們對美國犯的同樣的錯誤——假設(shè)我們的朋友永遠(yuǎn)是我們的朋友。記住為什么歐洲的防御能力有限。
但是,我們?nèi)匀恍枰岣邭W洲的防御能力,所以它所做的只是把我們放在一個未來歐洲戰(zhàn)爭可能性更大的時間表上。
Assuming western Europe will always be our friends is more reasonable than assuming the US will be. We have shared geographic interests and a long cultural connection.
Even WW1 and 2 weren't really them falling out with us, they were continental nations falling out with each other and creating two sides that we had to take one of. It's unlikely that the lessons that led to the EU will be forgotten so completely that you'll see Germany and France fighting each other again in the next 100 years.
假設(shè)西歐將永遠(yuǎn)是我們的朋友,比假設(shè)美國將永遠(yuǎn)是我們的朋友更合理。因?yàn)槲覀冇兄餐牡乩砝婧陀凭玫奈幕瘻Y源。
即使是一戰(zhàn)和二戰(zhàn)也不是他們和我們鬧翻,他們是大陸國家互相鬧翻,形成了我們必須站在一邊的兩方。導(dǎo)致歐盟形成的教訓(xùn)不太可能被完全遺忘,以至于你會看到德國和法國在未來100年內(nèi)再次相互爭斗。
We have shared geographic interests and a long cultural connection.
Now transpose what you've said and apply it to the US and Canada.
“因?yàn)槲覀冇兄餐牡乩砝婧陀凭玫奈幕瘻Y源”
現(xiàn)在把你所說的套到美國和加拿大身上。
The UK defence industry regularly partners with US companies. With France pushing for made in EU only options for the EU (i.e. France), I wouldn't be so sure about this being good for the UK in the long run.
英國國防工業(yè)經(jīng)常與美國公司合作。隨著法國推動歐盟(即法國)只能選擇歐盟制造,我不太確定這對英國長期有利。
The problem much of Europe has with US equipment is they made non critical parts the US can easily do themselves if both sides block spare parts from each other.
The UK however tends to make critical parts like ejector seats for US navy aircraft or electric warfare suites which gives us far more leverage as the US can't easily just design a seat or code a new program as it takes almost as long as the fighter to design.
許多歐洲國家對美國裝備的問題是,如果雙方互相封鎖備件,由它們制造的非關(guān)鍵部件美國可以很容易地自己制造。
然而,英國傾向于為美國海軍飛機(jī)制造彈射座椅或電子戰(zhàn)套件等關(guān)鍵部件,這給了我們更多的杠桿作用,因?yàn)槊绹鵁o法輕易地設(shè)計(jì)一個座位或編寫一個新程序,因?yàn)樗鼛缀跣枰蛻?zhàn)斗機(jī)一樣長的時間來設(shè)計(jì)。
The problem is that in a future war with Russia (which isn’t an impossibility and all EU countries are factoring) it’s not clear what side the US will be on. At that point the economic factors won’t matter.
問題是,在未來與俄羅斯的戰(zhàn)爭中(這不是不可能的,并且所有歐盟國家都在考慮),美國將站在哪一邊還不清楚。到那時,經(jīng)濟(jì)因素就不重要了。
They will try to stay neutral, then just as whatever side is about to loose they will step in to save them.. so Russia
Just the same as they did last time
他們會試圖保持中立,然后當(dāng)哪一方要打輸時,他們就會介入拯救他們……所以俄羅斯
就和他們上次一樣
I think that journey has already started and it won't end with defence. Why buy American if you have other options. Why use the dollar if the dollar has become unreliable etc. I think once it gets to banking systems, things will get spicy. America is rejecting globalism with its actions.
我認(rèn)為這段旅程已經(jīng)開始了,它不會停在國防領(lǐng)域。如果你有其他選擇,為什么要買美國貨呢?如果美元變得不可靠了,為什么還要用美元呢?我認(rèn)為一旦波及到銀行系統(tǒng),事情就會變得棘手起來。美國正在用自己的行動抵制全球主義。
The US can’t switch off the weapons that they have sold the UK, but they can slow down the supply chain.
That dongle that needs to be replaced every 100 hours, sorry you can’t have one for a few months. This will could ground the jets
美國無法關(guān)閉他們賣給英國的武器,但他們可以放慢供應(yīng)鏈。
那個每100小時就要更換一次的加密狗,很抱歉你幾個月都買不到了。這將導(dǎo)致飛機(jī)停飛
America wants to control everything. Same reason they tried restrict who had nukes by reneging on the agreement to share the details of the Manhattan project despite other countries contributing extensively to it. Or stealing the gold reserves of several countries when they were sent there for safekeeping during the war.
The US likely has a kill switch for all their high end weaponry that they sell. That's why the French don't trust them.
美國想控制一切。同樣的原因,他們試圖通過違背分享曼哈頓項(xiàng)目細(xì)節(jié)的協(xié)議來限制誰擁有核武器,盡管其他國家為該項(xiàng)目做出了大量貢獻(xiàn)?;蛘咴趹?zhàn)爭期間偷走幾個國家的黃金儲備,當(dāng)這些儲備被送到那里保管時。
美國可能對他們出售的所有高端武器都留有一個致命開關(guān)。所以法國人不信任他們。
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The US likely has a kill switch for all their high end weaponry that they sell
I'd say the opposite, I don't think its likely they would have anything like that unless they're incredibly stupid. A remote kill switch could be exploited by enemies, and not only that if one was found or used their entire military export industry would collapse immediately.
“美國可能對他們出售的所有高端武器都留有一個致命開關(guān)”
我想說的正好相反,我不認(rèn)為他們會有這樣的東西,除非他們非常愚蠢。一個遠(yuǎn)程殺傷開關(guān)可以被敵人利用,不僅如此,如果有一個被發(fā)現(xiàn)或使用了,他們的整個軍事出口工業(yè)將立即崩潰。
The F35s we bought from them need to contact the hub in the US every month. We haven't been told what will happen if they don't, or if anything has gone wrong in the last with upxes. But it's a serious issue if America decides not to release further upxes.
我們從他們那里買的F-35需要每個月聯(lián)系美國的中心。我們還沒有被告知如果他們不這樣做會發(fā)生什么,或者在最后的更新中是不是出現(xiàn)了什么問題。但如果美國決定不發(fā)布進(jìn)一步的更新,這將是一個嚴(yán)重的問題。
原創(chuàng)翻譯:龍騰網(wǎng) http://m.top-shui.cn 轉(zhuǎn)載請注明出處
As I understand it, it’s not so much the worry of the US switching things off as it is withholding software upxes or intelligence that allows them to work to their full capacity. They’ve already shown they’re willing to do that to Ukraine. I don’t really know why anyone expects they wouldn’t be willing to do it to other former allies too.
據(jù)我所知,與其說是擔(dān)心美國關(guān)閉這些設(shè)備,不如說是擔(dān)心美國不更新軟件或不提供情報,以使它們無法充分發(fā)揮作用。他們已經(jīng)表明他們愿意對烏克蘭這樣做。我真的不知道為什么有人認(rèn)為他們不愿意對其他前盟友做同樣的事情。
Why would you want to spend billions on weapons from an unreliable source when you can make them yourself and spend the money in your own country instead? European weapons systems are every bit as advanced as US systems. So good that the US buys components of their most advanced weapons systems from Europe already…
當(dāng)你可以自己制造武器并把錢花在自己的國家時,你為什么要花數(shù)十億美元從一個不可靠的來源購買武器呢?歐洲的武器系統(tǒng)和美國的一樣先進(jìn)。美國已經(jīng)從歐洲購買了他們最先進(jìn)的武器系統(tǒng)的部件真是太好了……
Maybe they can’t switch it off, but stop supporting it and see how quickly you have a paperweight instead of a nuclear deterrent.
也許他們不能把它關(guān)掉,但停止支持它,然后看看多快你手上的玩意就會變成一塊鎮(zhèn)紙而不是核威懾。
It'll never get to that point. The last missiles to go unserviceable would last a decade, plenty of time to spin up our own maintenance routine
事情永遠(yuǎn)不會到達(dá)那個點(diǎn)。最后一枚無法使用的導(dǎo)彈將持續(xù)10年,因此有足夠的時間來啟動我們自己的維護(hù)程序
The missiles only got to America once every ten years.
We’ve had them for nearly 30 and have done multiple routine maintenance on them; it wouldn’t be hard to reverse engineer, relatively speaking
這些導(dǎo)彈每十年才送到美國一次。
我們使用了近30年,對它們進(jìn)行了多次例行維護(hù);相對而言,逆向工程并不難
I hope you are right and that the reverse engineering is being done as we speak.
我希望你是對的,相關(guān)逆向工程在我們說話的時候正在進(jìn)行。
We helped create trident; it’s a joint Anglo-American project
我們幫助制造了三叉戟;這是一個英美聯(lián)合項(xiàng)目
原創(chuàng)翻譯:龍騰網(wǎng) http://m.top-shui.cn 轉(zhuǎn)載請注明出處
Doesn’t that mean the UK owns and manufactures the warheads and the USA owns and manufactures the rocket delivery vehicle? Rockets are leased by the UK from the USA.
這是不是意味著英國擁有并制造彈頭,而美國擁有并制造導(dǎo)彈運(yùn)載工具?導(dǎo)彈是英國從美國租借的。
I'm not sure if we can fully long-term maintain them.
我不確定我們能否長期維持它們。
Trump may be spiteful and a bit dense, but he's never going to allow the UK to fire a nuke, no president would.
Those weapons will be seen by the US as part of their insurance policy, not the UKs.
They're the UKs in name only.
特朗普可能是惡意的,有點(diǎn)笨,但他永遠(yuǎn)不會允許英國發(fā)射核武器,沒有總統(tǒng)會這樣做。
因?yàn)檫@些武器將被美國視為其保險政策的一部分,而不是英國的。
它們只是在名義上屬于英國。
Sure, but the warhead is pretty useless without a serviceable delivery vehicle, i.e., the US owned Tridents.
美國人當(dāng)然關(guān)不掉,但如果沒有可用的運(yùn)載工具——比如美國擁有的三叉戟導(dǎo)彈,彈頭就毫無用處。
We don’t know whether the US government can prevent the UK government from firing a nuclear missile, because the UK government would never admit to it, and probably wouldn’t even know themselves. Its naive to treat the official statement as if it means anything, because that’s what they’d say anyway.
我們不知道美國政府是否能阻止英國政府發(fā)射核導(dǎo)彈,因?yàn)橛肋h(yuǎn)不會承認(rèn)這一點(diǎn),可能連他們自己都不知道。把官方聲明當(dāng)成什么有意義的東西很天真,因?yàn)樗麄儾还茉鯓佣紩@么說。